SVU

CZECHOSLOVAK SOCIETY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

A Silent, Long-distance Runner

(from Respekt, 13/2000, supplement)
        I would really like to satisfy readers' curiosity and write about secret meetings in the castle, where alleged "castle initiatives" were woven. Sorry, it was nothing like that. The very origins of what in the summer of 1999 received the name IMPULS 99 was totally everyday and non-conspiratorial. As far as I can remember, I can think of two conversations that left an impression on me.

      The first took place soon after November 1989. A small, round Brit, one from the hundreds of journalists, political scientists and diplomats who went through our country at that time, sat down in an armchair opposite me and asked me simple questions: from where will your people learn democracy? There are already political and economic structures, but it is necessary to cultivate a culture of civil society over a long period of time - without it these structures are like body organs without blood circulation. Havel's and Tomašek's speeches are nice, but democracy isn't only ideals, and it isn't merely the existence of institutions such as political parties or the free market. Democracy is a certain culture of relations, it is the totality of skills: how to communicate, delegate authority, take on responsibility, control power...do people who have lived for two generations in a totalitarian system have any experience with this? And what about a public opinion, which has such tremendous weight in democracy? It is created simply though public discussion, but who is concerned about it?

The ability to take a broad view

      Do you think you can leave it only to the media that is becoming mere tabloid sensationalism, or to professional politicians who will naturally guard particular interests of their party and their voters? Don't you think the creation of democracy would be helped by a group of 20 or 30 people getting together - scientists, writers, philosophers, and other thinking people who have moral weight in society? They are able to take a wider view of affairs - surely the role of the intellectual in public life belongs to the Czech political tradition - and these people would be able to offer inspiration, give critical words, encourage or warn, or simply stimulate thinking. Of course it isn't about claiming to have a monopoly on the truth, but rather pose the questions and try to have critical discussion, so that essential things won't be neglected and populist slogans won't be tolerated. From this moment on, the idea of such an informal group didn't leave my head. I spoke with a series of people and looked for an appropriate base. A club which is run by Charles University or one of its faculties? Our something that would not only have a "Pragocentric character"?

Let's get to know each other

      Some years later I appeared on several of the Sunday discussions held by TV Nova, once with the philosopher Václav Bilohradský and once with the former Premier Václav Klaus. Surprisingly, I received many letters from people who wrote: we've had enough of the politicians who always repeat the same phrases and merely assert their own beliefs. Now there was finally something of interest: two intellectuals from completely different camps, and they are able to discuss topics and show political reality from completely different angles. And also Premier Klaus, when he stood against someone whose arguments he could not completely discredit, was a completely different person in such a discussion. After these public receptions, I had a long discussion with the director of TV Nova, Jan Vavrá, and the result was the following decision: Let's invite intellectuals who are interested in public life, people with moral and intellectual authority, and let's put them together at the table with responsible media representatives, and have them get to know each other, and talk about important issues in society. After some months of preparation, when we invited Václav Bilohrdaský and political scientist Jioi Pehe to participate, the four of us sent a letter to several dozen intellectuals who we elected according to the following criteria: people with moral weight, interest in social affairs, but who were independent, without narrow ties to certain political parties. Later in Prague, an informal circle started to meet regularly. It consisted of top political scientists, social scientists, economists, lawyers, and media personalities. Suggested discussions were: what are the main problems today? Is the political elite able to recognize, formulate and defend the real interests of Czech society? Is it possible to delegate all the responsibility of political life to professional politicians and parties or is there a specific task for intellectuals?

Community of Plural Opinions

      And at the same time, with these discussion, self-refelection was going on within the group. What do we want and can we be: a non-binding deabate circle or perhaps the beginning of a new political party? Both of these extremes were rejected. A discussion circle is not effective. There is currently not a place for another political party on today's political scene: mistrust of political parties by the public means that just another party would be damned from the start. Moreover, we had intentionally built this association as one of pluralistc opinions - it would hardly be possible to agree on somewthing different than basic moral principles. This plurality would be an obstacle from the outlook of building a political party. But it is a huge asset if we think of it as an intellectual workshop, which can give ideas, inspiartion, arguments and enriching  discussion, which shouldn't be closed within the walls of some café. It should be offered to all citicens who haven't lost interest in public affairs and are conscious of their responsibility to them. And those who are losing this interest could be encouraged by the fact that many people they respect see the same problems, but are not discouraged. From these discussions there originated the idea of establishing a citizen's initiative and to introduce it to society under the title IMPULS 99.

Summer of 99 - IMPULS enters the public realm

      The introductory text that originated during several nights in July 1999, consciously followed up on the tradition of manifestos with which intellectuals once addressed the public and politicians in key moments of our past. It wasn't, however, only a manifesto, but a citizens' initiative, a "working association." Because we counted on the negative reaction of ceratin politicians and the skepticism of a large part of the public, and we wanted to avoid the belittling criticism that what we had was only an elite association, we immediately tried to address the widest spectrum of civil society. We addressed representaives of trade unions, church and religious associations, professional organizations and ethnic minorities, as well as the business community. Their reactions surpasseed all our expactations - mostly they not only promised moral support, which was our original goal, but they welcomed this initiative and identified with it to such a degree that they were willing to sign the introductory initiative, includuing "a comitment to work." So this commitment was made to work in a broad and free association on the recovery of society. Thus IMPULS 99 got a chance to be something more than a mere political party.

       At the end of July we addressed the public via the media and just before that we addressed the leaders of all parliamentary parties, the office of the president and both legislative bodies. We introdcued IMPULS 99 as a free, working association of people who with their signatures were obliged to work for an improved political culture in our country. And above all, by offering opinions, information and suggestions to public discussion about pressing problems in society. In the spirit of the introductory declaration, the initiative called to the greater creative potential of civil society and to cooperate with all democractically thinking people. Regardless of their political preference. IMPULS 99 therefore is open for cooperation with various institutions of civil society, including political parties.

Stormy Reaction

     The immeduiate reaction was more impressive than we expected. Unabigously unfriendly positions were expressed in only two political parties - the Communists and Klaus' ODS party. The four-party coalition and some independent people within CSSD showed a certain restrained sympathy. Negative reaction wasn't concerned with the contents of the document and the plans of the initiative, but more with it's literary form and mainly with the fact of whether the iniative had a place in political life. Politicians in ODS appealed to memebers of IMPULS 99 to enter some existing party or establish a new one, but not to try to influence politics from the outside. There was a popular argument that the president was behind the initiavtive, but Havel rightly answered that he had nothing to do with it, while also pleasing us by saying he was flattered to be contected with it.

      When the reaction of ODS took on hysterical tones and terminology became reminiscient of the Normalization campaign again Charter 77, it casued an understandable reaction among the public - the rise of support. We originally counted on maybe 50 names - after some weeks there were 2,000 and during the following months the number grew to 15 times the original signatories of the introductory declaration.

Finding a Form

      The unexpected flood of signatures pushed IMPULS 99 toward higher institutuinalization. Publisher and doctor Martin Stránský offered IMPULS 99 administrative-technical support, in the space where at one time the Stránský family published Lidové noviny and Poítomnost. The first three spokesmen and the circle around them asked Stránský to lead administratively; an economic citiczen association was created in support of the initaitive and we offered the growing supporters two structures: regional branches and working groups. Intensive work started at several levels.  One level was preparation and implementing a nation-wide dicussion forum on urgent question facing society. The second level was the elaboration and publication of expert opinions to concrete questions - entry to the EU, racism and xenophobia, social tension, health matters and others. The third level was the activity of working groups. The fourth level was contact with the signatories and symapthizers in the regions. The fifth level was represented by contact with other particpants of civil society and with poiticans - dialogues with ecological groups and the initiative "Thank You Now Leave" could be included here, as well as the four-party coalition, which expressed interest. The sixth level was the ongoing expaination of the initiative and ongoing defense against attacks from the media. The seventh and most demanding level was a continuous search for a legal and organiazaional form that would make possible the implementaion of the initiative's mission.

Unrealistic Expectations

            Soon our convictions were confirmed that IMPULS 99 could not function as a mass organization. In the ranks of the signatories and supporters it was neccesary to always subdue unrealistic expectations that IMPULS 99 would change into a political party or some such similar organization, or that the modest Prague office could effectively direct the activities of thousands of signatoiries, change the political climate and solve all of societies problems. Such promises were never made.  Communication with signatories and supporters was limited by our time and financial means, but we nonethless met many new people - excellent self-sacrificing citizens from all parts of the republic to whom IMPULS 99 was able to return hope.

 Effective structure

      At the end of 1999,   IMPULS 99 was integrated into various structures: an informal circle of "father and mother founders," three spokesmen, an adminstrative office and innumerable citizen associations with roughly 200 original signatories and nearly 4000 others in regional branches and "expert groups" at various levels, as well as a students group. The season of searching for an identity had ended and it was time to decide on a definitive, suffuiciently flexible form.  

      At the beginning of 2000, a general meeting was held and after careful deliberation it was decided to abolish the citizen association and in its place was established a 15 member board of directors. Regional branches started to transform into informal clubs of IMPULS 99 and "working groups" changed into teams acting in the frame of the concrete project. The spokesmen of IMPULS 99 are still elected by the board of directors and they are responsible to it. At the same time, the admninistration office headed by Martin Stránský is responsible to the board of directors.

Out for the future: we aren't interested in power but help

      So IMPULS 99 isn't an organizational type of political party or citizens' association with a base of wide memebership, but an informal citizen's initaitive, which sees it necessry to maintain contact with specialists in the fields of politics, sociology, law and other discioplines, particularly with those who were present at the birth of the initiative.  We want this circle of experts and specialists to expand and strengthen.

      At the same time, we want to maintan contact with an informal network of interested citizens in regions (in the form of IMPULS 99 clubs) and with working teams. We predict that the "expert groups" will either diminish or take on another form, while those groups that show results (for ex. health groups, law and others) will continue as working teams on concrete projects.

      The main misssion of   IMPULS 99 remains being able to contribute to political culture and encouraging the creative potential of civil society through offering topics of discussion and stimulating debate on important issues. We want to contribute so that key issues in our society receive attention from both the media and politicians. Therefore, we want to gives impulses for public discussion, proposals, to hold public discussion forums, and to be politically active by maintaining dialogue with similar organizations as well as political parties. We can imagine that in the future, personalities with a background in IMPULS 99 may decide to be directly active in political parties, either in present ones or some new ones. Moreover, IMPULS 99 will closely cooperate with some political actors if an urgent situation demands it.  However, IMPULS 99 itself wants to remain as it is now: more of a silent long-distance runner, independent, yet open to cooperation and dialogue with all whose heart lies in the culture and democracy of our country.

Tomas Halik, Founding member, spokesperson, IMPULS 99

Translated into English by Frank Forrest

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